| Course | NURS 503 Managing Population Health (NURS503) |
|---|---|
| Module/Week | 3 |
| Assignment | Behavioral Economics Paper on Supports and Barriers for Behavior Change |
| Paper type | Behavioral economics analysis paper |
| Length | about 1,405 words, 5 double-spaced pages plus title page and references. Course guide: 5 to 7 pages with 3 to 5 scholarly sources in addition to the course textbook and the Bible |
| Format | APA 7 student paper |
| Points | 150 |
| School | Liberty University Online |
| Program | MSN |
| Where it sits | Module/Week 3 in Liberty's published NURS 503 course guide; current sections can differ |
| Updated | October 2026 |
Free sample paper for NURS 503 Week 3
Why a Default Beats a Lecture: Behavioral Economics, HIV Testing, and the Supports and Barriers to Changing What Patients and Clinicians Do
[Student Name]
School of Nursing, Liberty University
NURS 503: Managing Population Health
Behavioral Economics Paper
[Instructor Name]
[Date]
Why a Default Beats a Lecture: Behavioral Economics, HIV Testing, and the Supports and Barriers to Changing What Patients and Clinicians Do
Most adults say they would want to know if they had HIV, and HIV tests are fast, inexpensive and covered by most insurance. Yet many people who are offered a test decline it, and many more are never offered one. Classical economics would explain the gap with missing information: people decline because they do not understand the benefits. Behavioral economics offers a different explanation. People make decisions with limited attention, react strongly to how choices are framed, put off unpleasant actions and tend to accept whatever happens if they do nothing. This paper applies those ideas to HIV testing, the behavior behind the leading health indicator examined in Week 2, and identifies the supports and barriers that determine whether a test happens.
Core Ideas of Behavioral Economics
Behavioral economics combines psychology with economics to describe how people actually decide. Several of its ideas apply directly to health. People are boundedly rational: they rely on shortcuts because attention and time are limited. They show present bias, giving more weight to discomfort today than to benefits later. They are loss averse; Kahneman and Tversky (1979) showed in their prospect theory that losses loom larger than equivalent gains and that the way an outcome is framed changes the choice. They also show status quo bias, staying with the current option or the default.
From these observations came the idea of choice architecture, the recognition that every setting in which people choose is designed somehow, and that design can make good choices easier without removing any option. Thaler and Sunstein (2021) call such design features nudges. Health systems have begun to apply these ideas deliberately; Patel et al. (2018) describe nudge units in health systems that change defaults and the presentation of choices in the electronic health record to improve care at low cost. The population health text likewise treats behavior change as a central task of population health management (Nash et al., 2016).
Supports for Behavior Change
Defaults
The strongest support for testing is a default that makes testing the normal course. In a randomized trial among 8,715 patients aged 13 to 64 in an urban emergency department, Montoy et al. (2018) assigned patients to opt-in, active-choice or opt-out offers of an HIV test. Compared with opt-in testing, active choice, in which patients were asked to say yes or no, increased acceptance by 11.5 percentage points, and opt-out testing, in which the test was presented as routine unless declined, increased acceptance by 23.9 percentage points. The same test, offered by the same staff in the same department, was accepted far more often when saying nothing meant yes.
Small Incentives
The same trial tested cash incentives. Offers of $1 did not change acceptance, but $5 and $10 increased it by 10.5 and 15 percentage points. When incentives were combined with defaults, the effects were less than additive (Montoy et al., 2018). Incentives therefore work, but a default achieved a larger effect at no cost per test, which matters for a program screening thousands of patients.
Framing and Social Norms
How an offer is worded can reduce the perceived loss of agreeing. Presenting the test as something offered to every patient frames it as routine rather than as a judgment about the patient's behavior, which also reduces the stigma attached to being asked. Saying that most patients accept the test uses social norms to make acceptance feel ordinary.
Clinician Defaults
Clinicians respond to defaults too. When an electronic record includes the HIV test in a standard order set, or prompts the triage nurse to offer it to every eligible patient, testing becomes the path of least resistance for staff as well as patients (Patel et al., 2018).
Barriers to Behavior Change
Stigma and Fear
HIV remains stigmatized, and a test can feel like an accusation or the first step toward a frightening result. Loss aversion makes the possibility of bad news loom large, and present bias favors avoiding that fear today over the benefit of earlier treatment later.
Hassle and Time
Small frictions matter more than their size suggests. A separate consent form, a second needle stick or a long wait for results each lower acceptance. In the emergency department, staff worry that testing slows care. A pragmatic trial in four emergency departments found that routine opt-out screening was associated with an average increase of about 1.4 minutes in wait time and a small rise in patients leaving before treatment was complete, while length of stay for admitted patients did not increase (Jones et al., 2025). The barrier is real but small, and it can be reduced with blood drawn alongside other tests.
Clinician Habits and Beliefs
Many clinicians still test only patients they judge to be at risk, a habit that feels efficient but misses people who do not disclose risk. Others believe the emergency department is the wrong place for screening or fear having to deliver a positive result. These beliefs act as a default of their own: unless the system makes testing routine, it does not happen.
Cost and Coverage
Although screening is covered for most insured people, patients without insurance or with high deductibles may fear a bill, and that uncertainty itself discourages testing. Ambiguity aversion, the tendency to avoid choices whose costs are unknown, means that even a small and uncertain charge can deter more people than a known one. Stating plainly at the point of the offer that the test costs the patient nothing, where that is true, removes the ambiguity. Programs serving uninsured patients can apply for public funding for testing so that the statement is accurate for everyone.
Applying the Ideas to Young Adults
The Week 2 paper showed that young people have the lowest awareness of their HIV status, so it is worth asking how these ideas apply to them in particular. Young adults are less likely to have a regular source of care, which means fewer occasions on which a default could operate; for many, an emergency department, an urgent care clinic or a student health service is the only point of contact. Present bias may be especially strong at this age, when long-term health risks feel distant, and social norms carry great weight. Testing strategies for this group should therefore place routine opt-out offers in the settings young people actually use, frame testing as something everyone their age does, and reduce friction with rapid results or results delivered through a patient portal or text message.
Incentives may also matter more for young adults with little income. The finding that $5 and $10 offers raised acceptance among emergency department patients (Montoy et al., 2018) suggests that modest incentives could support community testing events aimed at young people, where an opt-out default is not possible because no other care is being delivered. Any such program should be evaluated, since the effect of incentives varies by setting and population.
Recommendations
Four design choices follow from this analysis. First, make HIV testing an opt-out default in emergency and primary care, with a clear statement that patients may decline. Second, build the offer into nurse triage and standard order sets so that clinicians' defaults match patients'. Third, use routine framing and normative language in scripts and signage, and train staff to offer the test the same way to every patient. Fourth, reduce hassle by drawing blood for the test with other laboratory work and by guaranteeing that results reach patients without a separate visit. Small incentives may help in outreach settings where no default exists. Each choice should be tested on one unit or clinic first, with acceptance rates tracked weekly, before it spreads.
The Ethics of Nudging
Nudges raise a fair question about manipulation. Thaler and Sunstein (2021) argue that nudges are justified when they steer people toward choices they would endorse on reflection, leave every option available and are transparent. Opt-out HIV testing meets those conditions when patients are clearly told they may decline. A Christian view of persons supports that balance. Scripture affirms that people are responsible for their choices, "choose this day whom you will serve" (English Standard Version Bible, 2001/2016, Joshua 24:15), which argues against hiding or removing options, and it also calls believers to seek others' good. Designing systems that make healthy choices easier, while honoring each person's freedom to decline, respects both.
Conclusion
Behavioral economics explains why information alone has not closed the gap in knowledge of HIV status and points to practical supports: defaults, small incentives, routine framing and clinician prompts. The barriers, stigma, fear, hassle, clinician habits and cost, are equally predictable and can be designed around. For the intervention project in this course, the most promising strategy is a routine opt-out default supported by staff scripts and reliable delivery of results.
References
English Standard Version Bible. (2016). Crossway. (Original work published 2001)
Jones, A. T., Haukoos, J., Hopkins, E., Lyons, M. S., Rothman, R. E., White, D. A. E., Hsieh, Y. H., Joseph, K. M., Murray, E., & Rowan, S. E. (2025). Effect of routine opt-out HIV screening on emergency department operational metrics: Results from the pragmatic randomized HIV TESTED trial. Annals of Emergency Medicine, 86(3), 240-251. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.annemergmed.2025.04.011
Kahneman, D., & Tversky, A. (1979). Prospect theory: An analysis of decision under risk. Econometrica, 47(2), 263-291. https://doi.org/10.2307/1914185
Montoy, J. C. C., Dow, W. H., & Kaplan, B. C. (2018). Cash incentives versus defaults for HIV testing: A randomized clinical trial. PLOS ONE, 13(7), Article e0199833. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0199833
Nash, D. B., Fabius, R. J., Skoufalos, A., Clarke, J. L., & Horowitz, M. R. (2016). Population health: Creating a culture of wellness (2nd ed.). Jones & Bartlett Learning.
Patel, M. S., Volpp, K. G., & Asch, D. A. (2018). Nudge units to improve the delivery of health care. The New England Journal of Medicine, 378(3), 214-216. https://doi.org/10.1056/NEJMp1712984
Thaler, R. H., & Sunstein, C. R. (2021). Nudge: The final edition. Penguin Books.
What the NURS 503 Week 3 instructions ask
The Behavioral Economics Paper is the second paper in NURS 503, due in Module/Week 3 for 150 points. The guide frames it simply: what supports and what blocks a successful change in behavior, argued over five to seven APA pages, with the textbook and the Bible joined by three, four or five scholarly sources. Instructors usually expect students to explain the core ideas of behavioral economics and how they differ from the assumption that people act rationally on information, to apply them to a specific health behavior in a population, to identify what makes the behavior easier and harder, and to propose strategies grounded in evidence. Carrying forward the indicator from Week 2 keeps the course's papers connected.
How this NURS 503 Week 3 example is built
The paper opens with the gap behavioral economics tries to explain: most people say they would want to know their HIV status, yet many decline or never receive a test. A short theory section introduces bounded rationality, present bias, loss aversion, status quo bias and choice architecture, citing prospect theory and the work on nudges. The supports section applies each idea to testing, with the trial results on defaults and incentives in numbers. The barriers section is just as specific, covering stigma, fear, hassle and the clinician's own defaults. A recommendations section turns the analysis into design choices for a health system, and a short reflection connects the ethics of nudging to respect for persons.
NURS 503 Week 3 grading rubric: where the points go
Points for this paper usually follow six questions: are the concepts explained correctly, are they applied to one real behavior, are supports and barriers analyzed, do the strategies rest on evidence, are the required sources used, and is the APA writing sound within the page range. Application matters most; a paper that defines nudges but never shows how a default would change a real decision earns little of the analysis credit. Strategies score well when they are tied to evidence such as randomized trials. Graders also look for balance, including the limits and ethical questions of nudging, and for accurate reporting of numbers from studies.
NURS 503 Week 3 help: mistakes that cost points
Many drafts of this paper offer a textbook summary of behavioral economics with no behavior attached; pick one behavior in one population and run every concept through it. A second error is treating education as a behavioral economic strategy, when the field's insight is that information alone often does not change behavior. Students also misreport study results, for example describing a percentage-point increase as a percent increase, so quote numbers carefully. Address barriers as fully as supports, include the clinician's behavior as well as the patient's, and consider the ethics of steering choices, which a Christian worldview paper should not skip, especially in a setting where patients are sick and may feel pressured.
Related NURS 503 sample papers
Other NURS 503 weeks
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- NURS 503 Week 4: Discussion Board Forum 2
- NURS 503 Week 5: Healthcare Quality and Safety Paper
- NURS 503 Week 6: Intervention Project Outline
- NURS 503 Week 7: Project Annotated Bibliography
- NURS 503 Week 8: Intervention Project Final Paper
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NURS 503 Week 3 questions, answered
What is the NURS 503 Behavioral Economics Paper?
Due in Module/Week 3, it asks why people do or do not change a health behavior and what can tip the balance, using behavioral economic ideas, with the textbook, Scripture and a few scholarly studies as support.
Where can I find a free NURS 503 Week 3 sample paper?
The NURS 503 Week 3 paper on defaults and HIV testing is published in full above, with a short comment after each part, and the whole of it is open to read.
What is a default in behavioral economics?
A default is the option that takes effect if a person does nothing. Because people tend to stay with defaults, making a beneficial option the default, such as an opt-out test, often changes behavior more than persuasion does.
What is present bias?
Present bias is the tendency to give immediate costs and benefits more weight than future ones, so people put off actions, such as a health screening, whose discomfort is now and whose benefit comes later.
Is nudging patients ethical?
Nudges are generally considered ethical when they steer toward choices people would endorse, keep every option open and easy to choose, and are transparent. Opt-out testing meets these conditions when patients are told they may decline.
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